3.1 Outline of the Africa case
In the twenty-first century, the African continent became a significant arena for global power competition. Leading powers like the US, France and Russia, as well as the so-called rising powers like China, India and Turkey started competing for influence in Africa. This increasing interest arose due to the fact that many African countries possess resources important to the economies of the world and are important markets. In addition, these countries possess considerable diplomatic influence in international organisations, like for instance the United Nations. At the same time, some African governments have been active in developing new relationships with various countries external to Africa and the financial, political and other advantages they might offer.
Consequently, despite sometimes being marginalised in the past, contemporary Africa has attracted global interest and started initiating collaborations with major powers seeking resources. Djibouti, the third smallest country in Africa with a population of under a million, exemplifies this shift. It is one of Africa’s key strategic locations, due to its position on the Bab al-Mandab Strait (see Figure 3), a critical point connecting the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden, through which a significant portion of global trade passes. By the 2020s, its geographic importance had attracted military bases from no fewer than eight foreign countries, motivated by objectives such as combating piracy, securing trade routes and supporting energy supply lines.
Djibouti and many other African states have progressively collaborated with external powers to secure economic benefits, infrastructure investment and trade relationships. The Economist magazine, which infamously declared Africa ‘the hopeless continent’ in 2000, changed its tune, investigating a ‘New Scramble for Africa’ in 2019 in which there were new diplomatic and economic opportunities opening up (The Economist, 2019).
The term ‘scramble for Africa’ referred to the colonisation of Africa roughly between 1880 and 1910, with only Liberia and Ethiopia remaining independent. This period’s legacy is evident in modern African borders, many of which align with those established during colonial rule (see Figures 4 and 5).
It is important to note that this new reality has met with mixed responses within Africa. While some African counties welcome partnerships that provide economic or security advantages, concerns about labour, environmental impact, and local industry competition have given rise to protests and considerable criticism. For example, in 2013 protests erupted over labour conditions, environmental damage, and unfair business practices in Zambia, where workers clashed with Chinese managers at a coal mine, leading to government intervention. Similarly, in the 2020s, the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) project, backed by European and Chinese investors, has faced environmental protests in Uganda and Tanzania due to ecological risks and displacement concerns. Thus, the African case shows the challenges of contemporary international relations, where global powers and African nations experience opportunities but also tensions arising from the growing competition on the African continent.
The following activity will review the categories of actors and how they have been featured in the Africa case study.
Activity 3
As you have seen, actors have been defined in this course as ‘the main organisations, groups or individuals who take part, or “make things happen”, in international relations’. Actors can be divided into three broad groups (state, international organisations and non-state actors), with a number of subgroups.
Watch this short report from the BBC’s Africa Service which touches on many of the actors covered in section 2 of this course: Is this the ‘second scramble for Africa’? [Tip: hold Ctrl and click a link to open it in a new tab. (Hide tip)] .
Identify which actors belong under each of the group headings.
The slideshow below offers a specific example within the broader context of competition in Africa: the case of cobalt in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). (Note that the DRC is often just referred to as ‘Congo’ but is distinct from the much smaller country of Congo (Brazzaville) which isn’t included here.) This example shows how international relations – particularly the competition over DRC’s mining sector – extend across continents, influencing national policies (such as the push for net-zero emissions) and impacting the lives of people far beyond the original site. It also brings together various international actors, interconnected within the global system on issues including commercial interests, national development, environmental policies and diplomatic relations.
Activity 4
Watch the slideshow and then answer the following questions in the text boxes below.
Transcript: Slideshow 1 Cobalt: from the Congo to your car
The Congo has vast mineral wealth, its earth packed with ores like copper and cobalt. Cobalt was of limited value until it became a key ingredient in electric car batteries. Around Sixty per cent of the world’s supply is thought to be in the Congo.
Beneath the Democratic Republic of the Congo lie an estimated 3.4 million metric tonnes of cobalt.
In 2016, the Chinese mining corporation China Molybdenum took control of the huge Tenke Fungurume copper and cobalt mine situated in the south of the country. Four years later, the company expanded its operations, making a major investment in Kisanfu, one of the largest and highest grade undeveloped copper and cobalt deposits in the world.
Both mines had previously been run by an American company, so this was a major shift from dominance by US companies to those based in China.
By 2021, most of the DRC’s cobalt-producing mines were run by companies owned or financially backed by the Chinese state. So why does this matter, and what does it show us about the wider picture of contemporary international relations?
Cobalt plays a key role in the clean energy revolution. It’s a critical component of the batteries that power mobile phones and electric cars.
A typical electric car has of an array of batteries, and contains up to 15 kilograms of cobalt. The metal plays a vital role in shortening charging time and increasing how far vehicles can travel without recharging.
Promotion of electric vehicles is a core element of policies central to national and global efforts to tackle climate change. The batteries that power these vehicles are mostly made in China, or rely on Chinese supplies of cobalt. And China is increasingly important in the supply of electric vehicles themselves, a quarter of the EU market in 2024.
The Chinese came to Congo with an offer to rebuild the country’s infrastructure in return for a large slice of its natural resources.
The relationship with China dates back to 2005 when newly elected DRC President Joseph Kabila agreed a six billion dollar infrastructure deal with China. In return for access to Congo’s copper and cobalt reserves, China committed to building railways, roads and schools. The cooperation between the two has been sustained over many years.
However, there were also adverse impacts on individuals and communities arising from what the two countries had agreed.
Workers at the Tenke Fungurume mine claim the change of ownership was linked to a fall in safety standards. There were increasing conflicts between the Chinese owners and workers’ organisations. Those raising safety concerns were dealt with harshly, and reporting of incidents suppressed, something the company denied. Both the mining companies and the government used armed force to crack down on local people who tried to steal cobalt to sell on the black market.
Internationally, China’s involvement in the cobalt supply chain is causing increasing concern. And it’s not just cobalt. There are other minerals crucial to the transition to net zero. For example, nickel, copper and lithium.
Countries across Africa are key producers, with China playing an increasing role.
Western states eventually began to respond to China’s increasing dominance. Speaking to electric car manufacturers in Detroit in 2021, President Biden declared an intention to catch up lost ground. In 2022, he issued an executive order to boost domestic production of cobalt, lithium and other key minerals. He also launched a new Africa strategy to renew and develop closer relations with African states, including the DRC.
In his second term of office, President Trump also sought to cut new deals with the DRC.
Reports of human rights violations and the extensive use of child labour raised international concerns. In the US and Europe, environmental and labour rights campaigners sought to hold car and mobile phone manufacturers to account for their cobalt supply chains.
Ford announced plans to produce its own batteries in the USA, and Tesla committed to making its supply of cobalt more ethical, environmentally sound and safe.
In the DRC, elections in 2018 had also led to a change of government. New president Félix Tshisekedi maintained good relations with the Chinese government but took a harder line on some of the Chinese investment deals struck under his predecessor, Joseph Kabila.
Along with other African states, the DRC also started to explore ways of developing their own mineral processing and battery manufacturing facilities. Acting collectively, they began to use their diplomatic influence in the UN to call for more equitable development of the continent’s minerals.
In the words of one DRC delegate, ‘our experience of exporting them raw has shown us that there is no benefit for the continent. Africa’s minerals are enough to power the clean energy transition, but we don’t want to do things how we have done them in the past.’
1. Write a couple of sentences as to why, in your view, the slideshow presents an example of international relations? There’s no single correct answer to this first question, so just write a couple of sentences to summarise your initial thoughts.
Discussion
You might have noted the involvement of multiple states (countries); the way issues like trade and investment reach across international boundaries or that events in the DRC have impacts across the globe.
2. Try to identify some actors in this example
Discussion
In terms of actors, there are several you might have noted: the governments of DRC and China; the US president; mining companies and car firms; labour activists. Those consuming renewable technologies in the UK – electric and hybrid car owners are also perhaps actors in this case, as consumers.
3. Try to identify some international relations issues this example.
Discussion
Issues raised by the example that you might have noted include economic rivalries between China and western states; environmental issues related to the growth of renewable technology and the impact of mining in DRC; and political issues such as the cooperation agreement struck between the DRC and China. You may well have noted others.
You can now read the subsequent sub-section and compare your answers.